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SECTION 201 VS. ANTIDUMPING
HOW DO THEY DIFFER?
Published on February 1, 2001

In a September-October 1996 issue of The Agricultural Law Letter, published by the Law Office of McLeod, Watkinson & Miller, a U.S. law office that specializes in Agricultural Law, John E. Sheeley, stated that U.S. industry creatively utilizes U.S. laws to try and keep out foreign products. He further stated that, "where international competitors have a real or perceived comparative advantage, there has been an increasing use of U.S. trade laws aimed at keeping out foreign commodities." Two trade laws to be particularly cautious of are Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 and Title VII of the U.S. Tariff Act of 1930. Let's take a closer look at how these laws have affected Thai food exports.

Section 201 and Thai Crabmeat

Commonly known as "trade relief", Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1994 permits the President to grant temporary import relief, by raising import duties or imposing nontariff barriers on goods entering the United States that injure or threaten to injure domestic industries producing like goods. This provision is the analog of GATT Article 19, which allows GATT contracting parties to provide relief from injurious competition when temporary protection will enable the domestic industry to make adjustments to meet the competition.

Under Section 201 no one is being accused of breaking laws; rather, domestic processors argue that a surge in imports is the core cause of an industry crisis. Seeking Section 201 "federal trade relief" allows U.S. industry to file a petition with the International Trade Commission and further seek approval of the incumbent U.S. President to apply increased tariffs or quotas on an import. The act provides for relief in cases where a product is being imported in such quantities as to be substantial cause of serious injury or threat therefore to the domestic industry.

In order to bring a successful case under Section 201, a petitioning party must show, and the ITC must find 1) imports of the subject article are in increased quantities; 2) the domestic industry is seriously injured or threatened with serious injury; and 3) such increased imports are a substantial cause of the serious injury or threat of serious injury.

In March 2000, a group called the Blue Crab Coalition, made up of U.S. crabmeat processors and fisherman (a.k.a. watermen), represented by the Washington D.C. law firm of Ablondi, Foster, Sobin & Davidow, p.c., filed a Section 201 petition, against all blue crab imports to temporarily restrict crabmeat imports into the U.S. Preceding 2000, crabmeat imports, specifically from Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia had tripled from 9.2 million pounds in 1994 to more than 27.2 million pounds in 1999. During the years between 1994 and 2000, sales of U.S.-produced crabmeat dropped 38 percent. The U.S. industry's market share dropped from 67 percent to 27 percent.

In response, Akin Gump's international trade, public law and policy practice groups, led by partners Warren E. Connelly and S. Bruce Wilson, worked with lead client Phillips Foods, Inc. of Baltimore, Maryland, to assemble a alliance of opponents to the petition that included the National Restaurant Association; the Food Marketing Institutes; the American Frozen Foods Institute; and the nation's crabmeat importers, wholesalers, distributors, retailers and value-added processors. Working closely with this alliance, Warren E. Connelly and S. Bruce Wilson lobbied to convey to the Clinton administration the extensive degree of domestic opposition to the petition for import restrictions.

On July 11, 2000 the commissioners of the ITC voted 4-2 to reject an effort by the Blue Crab Coalition to impose trade restrictions, through additional tariffs and quotas, on Asian crabmeat imports. The ITC's negative determination on July 11th was the first time in over five years that it rejected a petition seeing relief under Section 201. The case is now over because the law does not authorize a judicial appeal. As a result, Thai processors will continue to export crabmeat free of any import restrictions, apart from a possible regulation that will require Thai crab exporters to specifically label their crab blue swimming crab, therefore setting Asian crab and U.S. domestic crab clearly apart to the consumers.

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Antidumping Duty and Thai Pineapple

An antidumping duty is a duty or levy imposed under authority of Title VII of the U.S. Tariff Act of 1930. Title VII states that if the U.S. Department of Commerce determines that an imported product is being sold at less than its fair value, and if the International Trade Commission determines that a U.S. producer is thereby being injured, the Commerce Department shall apply antidumping duties equivalent to the dumping margin.

Pre-antidumping Charges: Maui Pineapple Company Vs. Thai Pineapple Producers

Thai Pineapple producers
In 1992-1993, premium world prices for pineapple stimulated investments in the Thai pineapple industry. High prices for pineapple encouraged producers to increase their pineapple production. By the end of 1993 a huge surplus of pineapple had accumulated. The pineapple surplus depressed prices and severely affected many Thai pineapple companies during this time. However, in 1994, Thailand was able to export most of the surplus, allowing Thai exporters to capture 46% of the U.S. import market for canned pineapple. In 1994 Thailand's exports of canned pineapple to the U.S. amounted to 79.2 million baht.

Maui Pineapple Company
As sales volumes were increasing for Thai producers of canned pineapple, they were significantly decreasing for the U.S. producer Maui Pineapple Co., Ltd (Maui). In 1993 the company recorded a net loss of 11 million dollars, and in 1994 the company improved only slightly with a recorded net loss of 3.9 million U.S. dollars. Maui was struggling to compete with the depressed world pineapple price, caused by the flood of Thai pineapple. In order to level the playing field, Maui felt forced to file an antidumping petition with the U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC) against the Thai producers in 1994.

DOC Investigation

During the initial antidumping investigation, the DOC requested accounting information from Thai pineapple producers. However, Thai pineapple producers argued that their methodologies should not be used to determine the cost of production (COP) and cost value (CV). Thai pineapple producers admitted that their finished priced-based accounting cost allocations were based on certain managerial and tax goals, and thus, were not reflective of actual production costs. To determine an accurate COP and CV, Thai producers argued that the DOC would need to apply raw material cost-based or non-output price-based cost allocation.

Weight-based allocation, used by the Thai producers, resulted in a raw material cost for canned pineapple fruit that was less than the cost shown in their financial accounting records. If the DOC applied a weight-based allocation, a lower material cost would be realized, therefore explaining the lower selling price. Thailand's canned pineapple would not have appeared to be sold at less than fair value, had this been the case. However, weight-based allocation was unfamiliar to the U.S. industry.

Thai pineapple production varies greatly from that of Maui's. Thai producers manufacture canned pineapple fruit, pineapple juice and pineapple juice concentrate. Maui, however, processes only the solid fruit for canned pineapple and discharges the juice as waste. Thai producers actual raw material costs differ from Maui's as Thais use separate parts of the same fresh whole and peel pineapple fruit and distribute the raw material costs among the final products by weight. However, until the DOC investigated, Thai pineapple producers continued to apply price-based accounting, to achieve tax and managerial goals. The price-based method was audited and kept in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) in Thailand.

The DOC's Final Determination

In May of 1995, the DOC announced their final determination rejecting the weight-based raw material fruit cost allocation for both COP and CV. The DOC then based the dumping margins on the financial accounting price and allocation records, which utilized the priced-based accounting cost allocations. Under this accounting method, the DOC found that a large part of the Thai producers' canned pineapple fruit sales - more than 90% for certain types of canned fruit - were below the COP.

Post-antidumping Charges: Thai Producers File an Appeal

Soon after the final determination, Thai producers filed legal actions in the U.S. Court of International Trade (USCIT) challenging the DOC's to adopt a price-based fruit cost allocation. The case was heard in November of 1996. During this trial the Thai pineapple producers were able to prove that the allocation price-based formulas were unrelated to actual COP. In the final decision the USCIT ordered the case to the DOC to accept the weight-based, not price-based, methodologies. The DOC calculated fruit costs for the Thai producers using the weight-based fruit cost allocation. However, later in July of 1999, the U.S. Court of Appeals reversed the ruling of the USCIT, reapplying the DOC's original decision to use price-based accounting.

Annual Reviews

The antidumping duties on pineapple imports from Thailand are subject to annual administrative reviews by the DOC. Either a single company or Thai producers as a whole can make requests for a review. If the cost of production changes relative to the selling price of the product in the U.S., the duties would then be adjusted, the amount of duties collected on those entries will then be revised and a new cash deposit rate for future entries will be established. Some of the Thai pineapple companies have significantly reduced their antidumping duties through the annual review process. Present antidumping duties on imports of canned pineapple fruit from Thailand range from less than 1% to 51%. Examples are shown below.

Company
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
Siam Food Products Company Ltd (SFP)
24.64
.
13.25
.
12.85
.
The Thai Pineapple Public Company, Ltd (TIPCO)
38.68
.
33.06
.
27.85
.
Thai Pineapple Canning Industry (TPC)
24.64
.
06.54
.
21.54
.
Siam Agro Industry Pineapple Co.
51.60
.
16.48
.
16.48
.
Malee Sampran Public Co., Ltd
43.43
.
16.48
.
16.48
.
Dole
01.73
.
01.73
.
01.73
.

Sunset Review

Five years after a dumping determination has been made (and duties have been announced) against the offending country, the ITC will conduct a review to determine whether revocation of the antidumping duty order is likely to lead to a continuation or recurrence of dumping and of material injury within a reasonably foreseeable time. The review is specifically called the "Sunset Review" and in the case of Thai pineapple will be completed before June 30, 2001. If a ruling is made to keep the antidumping duties in place, they will be renewed for an additional five years.

The situation surrounding the current case shows growing imports from Thailand combined with aggressive pricing and promotional activity, resulting in Maui realizing lower sales volume and lower average prices for canned pineapple products. In Maui's annual report to shareholders there is a section that contains forward-looking statements. According to the report, one factor that will seriously affect the future of Maui is the result of the DOC's 4th annual review of antidumping duties on canned pineapple fruit imports. Maui therefore, suggests that if the antidumping duties are not renewed at the end of the Sunset Review, it is likely that Thailand will continue to dump pineapples on the U.S. market.

Maui is no longer an efficient producer of pineapple, unlike its Asian competitors who have the advantage of low labor, production and packaging costs. Furthermore, the DOC recently issued preliminary antidumping duty margins against Japanese producers of tin mill products in April of 2000. Maui uses the tin-coated steel imported from Japan to manufacture the cans that they use to package pineapple. The antidumping duty, if upheld in the final ruling, due around March 2001, would further increase Maui's costs of production and lower their competitiveness.

As the five-year antidumping duties come to an end, it appears that Maui was able to capture profits as long as dumping duties as high as 51% were placed on their major competitors overseas competitors. It is speculated that as world competition grows, there will be greater pressure on the DOC to protect domestic industry, like Maui, by renewing antidumping duties for another five years at the conclusion of their sunset review.

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